The Doha Round: Where Are We Headed?
This article is based on a speech delivered at the Third
International Conference on Business,
Management and Economics, organized by
Yaşar
University, in Izmir on June 14, 2007.
I would like to begin by giving you some brief background on
the Doha Round of the WTO, followed by a
summary of the key issues on the table and
the implications of success or failure of
this round
Background
I am sure most of you know already that the WTO launched the
current round of negotiations, called the Doha
Development Agenda, or the Doha Round, in Doha,
Qatar in November 2001.
The Doha Round was intended to be an ambitious attempt to
make globalization more inclusive and help the
world's poor, particularly by slashing barriers and
subsidies in agriculture, but also including trade
liberalization in manufacturing and services.
According to the plans, the round should have been
completed by December 2006. However, the talks have
been highly contentious, and agreement has not yet
been reached, despite the intense negotiations in
Cancun, Mexico in 2003, and in Hong Kong in December
2005. In fact, in July 2006
—after another futile gathering of trade ministers
in Geneva, WTO's Director General, Mr. Pascal Lamy,
formally suspended the negotiations.
The Doha Round gained new momentum after the meeting in
Davos in late January 2007 of trade ministers from
30 countries, on the sidelines of the World Economic
Forum. The rising optimism for success was reflected
in the statement of Mr Lamy in early February that "
the political conditions are now more favorable for
the conclusion of the Round than they have been for
a long time".
More recently, about a month ago the EU hosted ministerial
negotiators from G-4 (US, EU, Brazil and India).
While gaps still remain, there is now some optimism
that the Round will be completed by the end of 2007.
A critical date comes up in about two weeks—June
30, 2007. This is when the * United
Nations Resident Coordinator, Ankara. Turkey
authority given by US Congress to President Bush for Fast
Track Trade Promotion expires. Trade Promotion
Authority prevents Congressmen from amending the
draft once it comes for Congressional approval.
After the expiration date-if the Trade Promotion
Authority is not extended-any declaration of the WTO
can be subject to amendments, which will clearly
reduce the willingness of other countries to
participate.
So this is how the situation appears at this moment. After
many ups and downs,
there are rays of hope that the Round can be completed by December
of this year.
Main Issues on the Table
Essentially, there are three main areas of differences,
leaving aside the ongoing negotiations on trade in
services and anti-dumping subsidies:
•
First, agricultural subsidies: Here the ball
is very much in the U.S court. At issue is the
subsidies provided by the U.S to its farmers,
especially in corn, cotton and soybeans. Some
progress has been made but probably but not enough
to reach an agreement. It is important to highlight
here that agreement has been reached in
principle—subject of course to the completion of the
round —to eliminate by 2013 the most damaging type
of subsidies, namely agricultural export subsidies.
On the agricultural subsidies themselves, the EU and
developing countries would like to see the US
improve its current offer of capping domestic
subsidies at $ 22.5 billion. The EU would prefer a
cap on US subsidies at $ 15 billion or less. Some of
the larger developing countries such as Brazil and
India would prefer to retain subsidies on some
special agricultural products on which they have
legitimate concerns on food security, livelihood and
rural development grounds.
•
The second area of differences is market access:
Here it is mainly the EU and some other countries
such as Japan and Korea, which will need to agree on
greater cuts in tariffs and enhanced access to their
internal markets. The EU has signaled its
willingness to cut barriers to foreign agriculture
products by an average of 54%. But the US officials
are pressing the EU for a bigger cut-closer to 60%.
* The third area is of industrial tariffs:
Here the expectation is that large developing
countries, among them Brazil, India, Turkey,
Argentina, Pakistan, etc would agree to cuts in
their import tariffs. Some flexibility would be
allowed.
Implications of Failure
What could be some of the consequences of failure in this round?
* First, there is no question that improving trade
opportunities for developing countries is critical
to higher economic growth and more successful
poverty alleviation.
Trade restrictions that continue to penalize the exports of
developing countries will delay the achievement of
the Millennium Development Goals. There may be
differences among experts on the magnitude of the
gain from trade to the developing countries. But
there is no argument that expanded trade
opportunities will be beneficial to the developing
countries.
• Second, the Uruguay Round the predecessor
of the Doha Round-began a sustained process of
economic integration and falling import prices that
was vital for the strong and non-inflationary growth
worldwide. Failure of the Doha Round would strip the
global economy of its most powerful sources of
strength and stability.
• The third Consequence is a political one.
The rules-based multilateral trading system is there
to help governments deal with the political
challenges from critics. Sending out a message that
the Doha Round cannot be completed would undermine
the system, and weaken the ability of member
governments to stand firm against trade protection.
And here, let me say that even though many countries do give
priority to bilateral and sub-regional trade
arrangements, these deals are not the ideal
solution. Bilateral and regional trading
arrangements are important in some cases. But:
• By definition, they are discriminatory against
those who are not included in these arrangements.
• They do not deal with tough but important issues
such as subsidies.
• In some cases they lead to trade diversion rather
than trade creation.
• And they complicate the trading environment with
a "spaghetti bowl" of different rules.
Let me conclude by trying to answer the question: Where are
we headed? What are the chances of success of the
Doha Round?
Frankly the short answer is that we still don't know. The
prospects are better than ever before. But stumbling
blocks still remain
When you examine the data, the vast majority of both
US and world trade is in manufactured goods and
services, not in agriculture. Globally less than 7%
of world trade is in agricultural products. About
80% is in manufactured goods and services. For the
U.S, the weight of agriculture in trade is even
smaller
—only 4.5%. The claim by some in the U.S that
developing country agricultural markets are closed
to the U.S exports is simply not supported by facts.
Overall, the U.S agricultural exports to developing
countries now exceed those to wealthy countries, and
are growing rapidly. In 2005, U.S exported three
times as much agricultural exports as did Brazil,
the next largest exporter.
If the
U.S
breaks the deadlock on agricultural subsidies, I am
convinced that other countries will reciprocate in
the Doha talks. The EU has signaled its plan to
improve its offer to open its agricultural markets.
And the developing countries have offered to cut
their tariffs, provided their legiminate concerns on
special productsare recognized.
I think Mr. Pascal Lamy summarized the situation well by
saying that, "at this point the challenge is less
technical and more political". It is now about
leadership, and about compromromise
I hope we have success this year in this important area
Kaynak: Mahmood AYUB
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